Israel's ineffective Far Right הימין הקיצוני המתעלם
- Ariel Avidar
- Apr 14
- 3 min read
Yes, people have been very upset that I have said that Israel has no right wing. And the reason why I said it was because I meant it, and I mean it. What about Smotrych and Ben-Gurion? How could I say that Israel has no right wing? What about them? And what I mean by that is they may have right wing, well they do have right wing ideologies, and they do have right wing beliefs, nobody's denying that.
But if I go to my mechanic, and I say my mechanic is a great storyteller, he's funny, he's engaging, I love him. But every time I leave, he overcharges me and my car breaks down. Or I go to the baker, and he gives me bread that's hard as a rock. That tells me that this mechanic and this baker are not good at their jobs. They might be great people, but I need them to be a mechanic. And I need them to be a baker.
So if I go to my right wing government, and I have say, sheds being torn down in Binyamin. Sheds, sheds, they build sheds. And the government comes and knocks it down. And the right wing supposedly has at least 14 mandates. 14 from three parties that broke themselves up for reasons we don't want to get into. It's nonsensical. Made themselves irrelevant. So if you have 14 representatives from the right wing government, half of Likud probably thinks the same way. You have the Haredi parties who for the most part are aligned.
So there's really no reason why 14 mandates plus can't defend or can't protect by political means a shed in Binyamin. Why they can't have significant enough influence to go and speak to the defense minister. To go corral other members of the Knesset and be able to speak to the defense minister. Or put together enough leverage to save an aluminum shed. That's what I mean by there is no right wing. And at this point they've been completely pushed out of any influence. They haven't been invited to meetings for a long time. And the reason for that is they have, frankly, they have lacked professionalism. They tweet to get attention.
They're doing these things where really all they had to do for the first six months of the coalition was to show professionalism. Show that the mid-level Likud Knesset member can rely on them. And then if they could rely on them to be professional and not say outrageous things or tweet outrageous things.
Whether they deem them outrageous or not. But still to toe some kind of line and have some restraint. Then the Likud member could say I could work with these people. Publicly I could work with these people. And then when I need help for legislation or they need help for legislation. Or I need help for influence. They need help for influence. It's possible. So that's what I mean by mechanic and baker.
You could take somebody who's good at a skill. Who could be a good organizer or a good speaker. But when you're in the Knesset you need a politician. And a politician is going to have to make alliances. He's going to have to make friends. He's going to have to peddle influence. It's not a negative term when you're talking politics.
That's what politicians do. And some of the most damaging language. Some of the most damaging, unfiltered, undisciplined language has come from this camp. When the judicial reform protests exploded into a nationwide issue of religion and dictatorship. It's because one member of the Knesset from this camp tweeted out that they should arrest Lapid. And they should arrest Golan. And after that it became a national issue. So too with the term of halakhic state. It's not so complicated.
Train is a politician. Somebody asks you a question. It's not relevant. Not relevant. It's hypothetical. There are three or four key answers. Keyword answers that could transition you very well to not be in this situation. Because the term of a halakhic state put the secular Yitzi, who is on the beach in Tel Aviv on Saturday. He's afraid he's going to become Iran. Because a member of Knesset is discussing having halakhic state.
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